Sunday, February 1, 2015

Trouble in the Caribbean

Posted: February 1st, 2015
Author: Tess Robinson

The Problem
With 64% of the population of the Caribbean comprising of people below 30 years of age, Caribbean society can be described as youthful and vigorous (UNDP 2012). Given the predominance of young people in Caribbean society, it stands to reason that our collective priority should be to create an enabling environment for young people, by passing policies and laws which enhance their performance and contribution to Caribbean society. Sadly, quite the opposite is true, and young people in the Caribbean remain largely powerless and voiceless.
Studies in Jamaica, Belize, Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados and Haiti (the list goes on) tell a story of truancy, poor academic achievement, crime and violence amongst our youth. The Caribbean is now faced with a growing number of young people defined as unattached. Unattached youth refers to young people who are either jobless, or who are not within the education system or other training programme. In other words, they exist outside of society. Aged between 14 and 25, these young people are unable to adequately read and write, are unskilled, and consequently are unemployable. The existence of entire communities of unattached youth right across the Caribbean is the product of decades of neglect and indifference. They are the generation which Caribbean society has both forgotten and failed. The ugliness of neglect blights the landscape; a landscape populated by urban ghettoes, gangs, drugs and guns. The terrible plight in which so many of our youth find themselves is evidence that either our priorities lie elsewhere, or that the measures and solutions aimed at engaging with and solving youth problems are not working.
The subject of unattached youth in the Caribbean represents a vast area of research, and much of the data tends to focus on the various kinds of antisocial behaviour associated with this particular group. The primary response of Caribbean states to unattached youths who commit offences has been to criminalise them as delinquent and follow this up with incarceration. Incarceration tends to be a pan Caribbean solution to the growing ranks of increasingly angry, disenfranchised, and impoverished youth. Rather than address the underlying causes to what we, in the Caribbean, have conveniently termed ‘youth delinquency’, we chose the easier option of incarceration (Singh 1997; UNDP 2012). As the saying goes, out of sight, out of mind. Incarceration has offered a handy way to divest ourselves of social responsibility; we wash our hands off the fallout from decades of youth neglect. Consequently the Caribbean has one of the highest incarceration rates in the world. If we opened up our prisons, I think we would find that they are primarily comprised of youths, mostly from urban ghettos such as Jamaica’s Tivolli Gardens or Belize’s Southside.
Unattached Youth and the Growth of Gang Culture
With unattached youth comprising as much as 32% of the total youth population, Belize is home to one of the largest communities of unattached youth not just in the Caribbean, but in Latin America (Massari 2011). Belize is closely followed by Jamaica, where unattached youth make up 29% of the total youth population (UNDP 2012). This breaks down to over 200,000 unattached youths in Jamaica alone. Where unattached youth are concerned, Belize and Jamaica are not anomalies but reflect what is now a growing trend in the Caribbean. The numbers of unattached youth in the Caribbean bear testament to the existence of a culture of youth neglect. The Caribbean Human Development Report 2012 notes that ‘involvement in crime and violence among Caribbean youth have become linked to other developmental issues’ such as ‘high levels of youth unemployment, poor educational opportunities, and feelings of voicelessness and exclusion from national and regional governance processes (UNDP 2012)’. The report also notes that the majority of Caribbean youth who fall foul of the police or justice system are the product of long standing neglect, abuse and abandonment and are, in fact, desperately in need of care and protection (UNDP 2012). These so called ‘delinquent youths’ are better described as ‘at risk youth’. Delinquency, a term used to frame the behaviour of a section of young people in the Caribbean, is fast turning into a characteristic or pathology seen as inherent to Caribbean youth as a whole. The great convenience of the term ‘delinquent’ is better appreciated when we look at Caribbean prisons, now home to entire communities of apparently ‘delinquent’ youths. Replace ‘delinquent’ with ‘at risk youth’ and suddenly the crime is open for all to see; it is not the youth who are delinquent but a society grown indifferent to the needs of its young people.
It is critical that Caribbean society, its policy makers and legislators, recognise that it is from the ranks of unattached youth that gang members arise. To understand gangs requires understanding the whole phenomenon of unattached youth. To illustrate this, we only have to search for the one thing which gangs share in common in the Caribbean. Although the structure of gangs, and the kinds of crimes with which they are associated, vary between Caribbean countries, there are consistencies. Gang members tend to come from the lowest socio-economic group and enter gangs because legitimate access to opportunities and resources (academic, social and economic) are denied them. Gangs circumvent the obstacles and barriers to economic resources through criminal activity (UNDP 2012).
Why Incarceration Is Not A Solution
Research in the US has shown that the prison system has played an important role in creating, sustaining, and facilitating gang culture. Further, evidence suggests that the rapid growth in prison incarceration rates is actually facilitating the growth and spread of gang culture, and what we are now seeing is a parallel growth between incarceration rates and the growth of gang/criminal groups.
It is becoming clear that prisons are central to gang life. If the Caribbean really wants to address the problem of gang culture then it needs to start by a thorough investigation of the prison system. Prisons have always functioned as focal points for recruiting and building gangs. Young men entering the prison system, with no previous gang affiliation, soon realize that to survive prison requires protection, and this is achieved by joining in-house prison gangs. In US prisons, as in the Caribbean, there are many options with multiple gangs being housed within a single prison. Examples of gangs which had their inception in prison are the Mexican Mafia, Neta, Aryan Brotherhood, Black Guerrilla Family, La Nuestra Familia and the Texas Syndicate. None of these gangs had counterparts on the street (Carlie 2002).
Incarceration, a primary solution to so called delinquent behaviour amongst Caribbean youth, may well be one of the factors aiding the rise in gang culture in the Caribbean.
Why Is The Caribbean Choosing Incarceration As A Solution To What Is In Effect A Problem Of Youth Neglect?
As part of the war on drugs, the US has instituted policies in the Caribbean aimed at suppressing gang culture. Elite police corps, trained in the US to combat gangs, can now be found across the Caribbean and Latin America. In order to gain insight into our approach (in the Caribbean) to gang crime, it is important to look at the US, because methods used in crime prevention in the US, are being trialled in the Caribbean. In particular, US penitentiary culture, largely a response to the war on drugs, is touted by many as a model to be emulated by the Caribbean. Where incarceration is concerned, America leads the way, but to our shame, the Caribbean is right up there, a close second. Following the example set by the US, we have succeeded in criminalizing a whole segment of our population, primarily unattached youth, stigmatised by poverty and having few skills to trade on the job market.
We are so keen to emulate all things American, but if we knew a little bit more about what we are emulating, there would be less reason to be proud of our achievement. Michelle Alexander, Ohio State University law professor, civil rights activist and author of The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness, claims that more black American men are behind bars today or being processed within the criminal justice system (on parole or probation) than were slaves before the Civil War. Alexander shows how, in the US, racism has been restructured in such a way as to be almost invisible, mediated through a penitentiary system which stealthily removes certain people off the streets. The demographic of US prisoner populations is 50% African American, 35% Latino and 15% white. These statistics have been used by law enforcement and white citizens alike as evidence of the pathology of US African Americans and Hispanics. Backed by these statistics law enforcement can target African Americans and Hispanics, whilst white communities can find support for segregation. US prisoner demographic continues to be manipulated as evidence to support arguments which caste black and Hispanics as inherently criminal.
The truth, however, behind the over representation of African-Americans and Hispanics in US prisons is much more complex. As activists, teachers and researchers point out; there is a system of state sponsored racism at work in the US which functions to roundup and usher young black and Hispanic children into the prison system. African-American and Hispanic children are channelled into the prison system, a process referred to as the school to prison pipeline.
The Ghetto
In the US, the ghetto is an important component of the school to prison pipeline. The ghetto is a place where poverty is concentrated, where opportunities are few and consequently, where crime is rife. Ghetto communities are marred by social and economic inequalities that are traceable to events in the in the early 1900s, notably laws and policies designed and enforced by federal and state governments to segregate blacks from whites. Seitles notes that the ‘emergence of the black ghetto did not happen by chance, but was the result of deliberate housing policies of the federal, state, and local government and the intentional actions of individual American citizens. As a result, the creation of the urban ghetto has had a lasting impact on America. The consequences include: a lack of capital in inner city communities, segregated minority neighbourhoods, and minority families unable to find affordable housing in the suburbs due to government sponsored racism (Seitles 1996)’.
The social conditions and the mind-set which gave rise to the ghetto in the 1900s, can be traced back to the American Civil War. In the American South, following the Civil War and the abolition of slavery, laws were enacted which allowed whites to regain control over freed slaves so as to ensure the continuation of cheap labour. These laws, first the Black Codes and then the Jim Crow Laws (1880s-1960s), gave white communities vigilante status, and encouraged individual citizens to actively police and keep blacks under constant surveillance. These laws functioned as a code of conduct by which blacks had to abide when in the presence of, or in dealings with, whites. The number and intricacy of these laws meant that a black person was always a hairs breadth away from an infraction. Therefore a black person not only risked prison but also lynching for such small infractions as looking directly into the eyes of a white person or not showing enough deference to a white person in social exchanges (Rudd, Hanes and Hermsen 2007). Prison was a place where African Americans were directed to.
Implications for the Caribbean
As in the US, ghettos are also common to the Caribbean. The similarity is more than just coincidental. Caribbean ghetto communities are the results of decades of state sponsored discrimination. This discrimination is directly linked to structural racism which still persists in the Caribbean region in the form of residue infrastructures originally set up by colonial powers to govern the colonies, and which functioned to maintain the status quo. These governing bodies, now outdated, continue to structure the life of people in the Caribbean. The inability of Caribbean nations to develop new governance structures that reflect the changed circumstances of post-colonial life has brought criticism by researchers and NGOs. For instance it has been noted that Caribbean police forces are still functioning as colonial forces (UNDP 2012). Under colonial rule, the police force functioned to maintain the power, prerogatives and security of the colonial overseers who formed a politically and socially elite substratum. This could only be achieved by ensuring that the populace did not claim their equal rights to protection and security. The police force actively mediated for, as well as enforced the prerogatives of, the colonial rulers. Following independence, the colonial elite were replaced by a new home-grown political elite, who very quickly took on the same power relationships with the populace that had defined the colonial overlords. In other words, colonial masters were replaced by local politicos, and the structures which maintained the absolute power of the colonial elite continued to serve a new local elite. These home-grown elite, because they were and still are on the receiving end of an unfair balance of power, see little reason to change the structures inherited from colonial times even though those structures never have and never will give representation to, or serve the needs of, Caribbean peoples. The Caribbean Human Development Report (2012) suggests that ‘post-colonial nations striving for full democracy, economic development, social stability and citizen security must find ways to evolve the role of security personnel into one whereby the rights of all people are protected and defended. This means that the security agency must transition from a state security-oriented force to a citizen-oriented force. This type of force should include professional managers, a personnel system that makes the force representative of the population it has sworn to serve and a standardized method so that citizens can share their grievances with police, and it must include officers who see their first duty as loyalty to their countrymen and the rule of law, not the state or its political leaders (UNDP 2012).’
Discrimination, mediated through institutions originally set up to serve colonial prerogatives, now has as its target Caribbean youth. Rather than resolve to look at the processes by which our youth have become pathologized as delinquent, we augment an already discriminatory system with further suppressive and punitive measures emanating from the US, as part of its war on drugs strategy.
Is it any wonder that Caribbean youth have appropriated black American ghetto identity with all its cultural forms, including rap music and gang fraternity? Rather than blame Caribbean youth for departing from Caribbean cultural norms, and for adopting imported black American identities, we need to start reading this as both an act of protest and a position of solidarity with an equally disenfranchised and much abused sector of society.
Alexander, Michelle 2010 The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. The New Press: New York.
Carlie, Michael K. 2002 Into the Abyss: A Personal Journey into the World of Street Gangs.
Massari, R 2011 La juventud en los mercados laborales de América Latina y el Caribe. Draft Paper
Peirce, Jennifer and Alexandre Veyrat-Pontet 2013 Citizen Security in Belize Inter-American Development Bank.
Rudd, Kelly, Richard Hanes and Sarah Hermsen 2007 ‘Racial Segregation in the American South: Jim Crow Laws.’ Prejudice in the Modern World Reference Library. Vol. 2. 333-357. UXL:Detroit.
Seitles, Marc 1996 ‘The Perpetuation of Residential Racial Segregation in America: Historical Discrimination, Modern Forms of Exclusion, and Inclusionary Remedies.’ Journal of Land Use and Environmental Law.
Singh, W. 1997 Alternatives to Custody in the Caribbean: The Handling of Children Who Come into Conflict with the Law
UNDP 2012 Caribbean Human Development Report 2012 – Human Development and the Shift to Better Citizen Security. New York.

Wednesday, November 5, 2014

Deconstructing a System of Oppression in Belize and the Caribbean

Posted 4th November, 2014

As a presenter at  the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans, Intersex Association World Conference in Mexico City in October. It was my hope that I could share our experience on L.G.B.T activism in Belize. Knowledge transfer, it seems is not static, as I learned to appreciate how activism have given life to the term,"Deconstructing a system of Oppression." Whether in Saudi Arabia, the Sudan, Ethiopia, Iran or Belize we have all sought to assert and defend our rights, freedoms and dignity, in creative ways. When compared to efforts in the Caribbean, the death sentence that hangs in five countries in the world does not hang over activists heads. In this blog, we will look at how our response to deconstructing system of oppression have evolved organically at the national and regional levels.

In over three decades of independence, Belize has not needed to address sexual orientation or gender identity issues. UniBAM mission of using a rights-base approach to reduce stigma and discrimination was magnified when it agreed to support the role of claimant in the constitutional case around section 53 of the criminal code, Belize's sodomy law. The case became 668 of 2010.

Looking back, we did not see that the strategy of litigation as an effort to deconstruct a system of oppression and that it would amplify, the gaping holes in our rights protection and enforcement mechanisms. We did not know how, it was a means to an end that would be transformational. We discovered very quickly, however, how, our opponents would defend the current system of oppression, driven by ideology. We saw the media play its part with a non-scientific polls trying the shape the narrative of public attitude and playing the sovereignty card that calls US support for L.G.B.T rights as a " war" on poor countries.

Advancing L.G.B.T Human Right through litigation was further met with threats, character assassination, physical assault, rallies, demands to remove the H.F.L.E teachers manual,blacklisting of the organization by the Catholic school system to do health and rights education work in in March 2013 and constitutional marches as well. A traditional strategy of institutional isolation, knowledge stigmatization and intimidation through mass mobilisation. In addition threats, but the lesson, it seems, is that rights advancement does not come without action that tries to maintain the social status quo of invisibility. It does not come without personal sacrifice and insecurity and one learns that fear, must inform, but not dictation how we live our lives. The national narrative has evolved, however, like never before.

One of the crucial things one learns about sustaining a system of oppression, is controlling information using half-truths with a goal to make people believe or trust the information given. The (HFLE)-Health and Family Life Education teachers Manual is an example. Scott Stirm on 13th September, 2012 was quoted as saying the following:

“It was obvious to us, you could see a homosexual agenda that was in the manual but the general feel and overtone of the whole manual was kind of like stepping on the gas concerning sexual activity and that flies right in the face of some of the policies of the Ministry of Health and some of the others that are saying to discourage sexual activity among young people, particularly adolescents or pre-adolescents and yet here this is geared for standards four, five and six, ages nine to twelve and it’s asking questions like: how long should a couple date before having sex?  If a guy pays for the date is he entitled to, you know, kissing, touching, having sex?  This is to our nine and ten year olds right, and so those kinds of things just immediately started to jump out, as well as at the beginning of the manual it’s very strongly the emphasis that they are talking.  They are intentionally presenting values that they know are going to fly right in the face of the parents of these children.”

Stirm Spoke of the homosexual agenda, but failed to inform the people of the fundamentalist agenda of propagandizing, using legitimate spaces like business, education etc. Proof of that agenda comes from the Belize Prayer Network which clearly speaks of control of a society using the seven pillars as referenced in this snapshot below. Stirm, through Belize Action, coalition paved the way to get the Anglican and Catholic Churches to signed up against the section 53 challenge and  supported a statement sent to the Secretary General of CariCOM that led to the deferment of regional leaders endorsing a road-map on reducing stigma and discrimination. Belize Action also worked on misrepresenting our presence at the OAS in March, 2014 where a circular spoke of " filing a complaints!" and additional statements that our concerns expressed was,"a pack of lies straight from the pits of hell!"


At the regional level, we saw Advocates International through its contacts, organize regional meeting with Lawyers across the Caribean.A meeting held in Jamaica in 2010 highlighted how American groups have sought to push the American Christian right wing agenda. We know that a meeting was held between November 5-7, 2010 with 50 lawyers from the Caribbean region whose agenda was to speak about the “Truth” of Human Rights from Trinidad, Barbados, Antigua, St. Lucia, Guyana, Jamaica and other English speaking territories that was hosted by Advocates Caribbean in association with the Lawyers Christian fellowship of Jamaica at Knutsford Courts Hotel. Among the international speakers were Pierro Tozzi, senior counsel for Global Alliance Defense Fund; Justice, Alice Soo Hon, judge of the court of Appeals for Trinidad and Tobago and attorney at law Carla Soverall of Trinidad and Tobago who spoke on 'The Truth Behind Discrimination Law: The Constitution and Equal Opportunity Legislation'. Local Jamaican speakers spoke of The Truth Behind Abortion', with presenters Hyacinth Griffith, Jamaican attorney-at-law; Roma Paul, attorney-at-law of Trinidad and Tobago and local advocates of pro-life Dr Wayne West and wife Dr Doreen Brady-West. Dr Brady-West and Dr West have been advocates of the anti-abortion stance, working together with Shirley Richards and members of the Lawyers Christian Fellowship of Jamaica to lobby Government on the bill now before the Houses of Parliament for debate and ratification.

These meeting follows previous efforts in Jamaica, like one that happened on 10th December, 2011. Fellow activists reported that Pierro Tozzi was present at a human rights meeting at the University of the West Indies. Pierro was also present for a Belize Action meeting sharing his knowledge abut the ‘True Human Rights.”

At the seven hour long meeting, fellow activists Maurice Tomlinson wrote his experience below:
…Among the persons who sacrificed an entire Saturday to be in attendance at this event (which ran from 8:30 a.m. to well after its stated end of 2:30) were two sitting judges of Jamaica’s Supreme Court, the country's Attorney General (who brought greetings on behalf of the Justice Minister), the Executive Director of the Broadcasting Commission (which regulates content distributed via the electronic media), Jamaica's Chief Parliamentary Counsel (who is responsible for drafting the country’s laws), the Legal Counsel to all Parliamentarians, the Director of the Norman Law School Legal Aid Clinic (which is responsible for training all lawyers in Jamaica) and the Executive Director of the Airports Authority of Jamaica. Special mention was made of the presence of a Jamaican couple now residing in Britain who were denied the right to foster children there because they objected to homosexuality.   

The stated aims of the symposium were to:
1) Re-examine the role of law in society;
2) Increase public awareness of the potential danger that exists if human rights are freed from their traditional moral foundations;
3) Examine the subversive effect of the “fallacies” of popular human rights rhetoric on the democracy and
4) Examine major human rights treaties.

These meeting follows previous efforts in Jamaica, like one that happened on 10th December, 2011. Fellow activists reported that Pierro Tozzi was present at a human rights meeting at the University of the West Indies. Pierro was also present for a Belize Action meeting sharing his knowledge of ‘True Human Rights.” In Addition, he has been to meetings in the Caribbean on November 5-7, 2010 with 50 Caribbean lawyers again September 21-23, 2012. The Accra Beach Hotel in Christ Church, Barbados as a speaker.

This is important, as US right wing groups attack not only the gatekeepers of rights, but the social and cultural issues related to gender and sexuality. Way Out Ministries have sought to promote Reparative Therapy as a solution to cure homosexuals. They have offices in Jamaica, Trinidad and Guyana. This is despite, Exodus International denouncing the approach as not working.
The work of Right wing groups continued in 2013 with World Congress for Families meeting in Port of Spain as they did their thing. We saw the presence of the Elpis Centre,   Rebekah Ali-Gouveia speak at the August 2013 event in Port of Spain, along with many other speaks of dominionists ideology mindset. In addition, Sarah Flood Beaubrun of St. Lucia, former Health Minister, former Minister of Home Affair and Gender Relations, and UN Deputy Permanent Representative. We saw Justice Alice So Hon as well  as seen below. A familiar face, Pierro Tozzi, a US lawyer, has been working the Caribbean for quite awhile now. He has shown up in Belize, Jamaica, Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago.

Deconstructing oppression, it seems is a process, it is opportunistic in nature and must be sustain with a clear vision. The United Belize Advocacy work is about policy engagement and research at the national, hemispheric, regional and Global levels. When the state refused to engaged us locally, we simply wrote a shadow report for the Universal Periodic Review in 2009 and got a statement globally, to frame our narrative. When we needed to leverage platform issues, we joined WIN Belize and became a Commissioner of the National AIDS Commission. When we had the constitutional marches in 2013 against UniBAM and the Gender policy, we simply supported the launched of the Southern Poverty Law Center Report, Dangerous Liaisons. When the state did not take us seriously, we engaged the OAS General Assembly in 2008 to 2014 and worked as part of the LAC coalition to advance sexual orientation and gender identity resolutions which created systems of support, like the L.G.B.T Unit, thematic hearing, calls for research on legislation and member states to address adequate protections in policies and laws base on sexual orientation and gender identity. We wrote again shadow reports in 2013 for the Universal Periodic Review and The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.The result, was direct engagement with the state. When we needed a Global Voice, we joined the Sexual Rights Initiative, Global Rights and Heartland Alliance. 

Regionally,we re-joined CARIFLAGS in 2014 after a couple of years of laps and continued our approach to leveraging spaces in international relationships. When we wanted regional support on Professor Bain, the regional relationships were leveraged to get the UWI to respond to our concerns and 35 organizations joined in support.  It was the first time that Civil Society collectively showed their political muscle in the region. Now, its about harnessing that energy again. At the regional level, our Jamaican allies, filed, constitutional challenges on against their buggery law locally,another on right to information against the media and another case at the OAS. Furthermore, a case was filed against Belize and Trinidad Immigration law to advance rights concerns at the regional level. While we are not there yet at dismantling our system of oppression, we certainly are on the right track in the use of section 53  of the criminal code  and other litigation, as tools to try to deconstruct systems of oppression.

In addition, we have used research to build a knowledge infrastructure, that is both international and local. For example,we have the only L.G..B.T legal Review that looks at constitutional protections and gaps in subsidiary laws among CARICOM member states and have seen the political tone changed nationally as  a result of eight years of Advocacy.

In an interview done May 13th, 2011 the Prime Minister, Dean Barrow made the comment about our litigation and it’s consequence in the following way:

one of the things that we have to be grateful for in this country is the culture wars we see in the United States have not been imported into Belize Well obviously this is the start of exactly such a phenomenon,...

Until the Prime Minister Of Belize said in his response to the Gender Policy, which came up on May 30th, 2013. The Belize Prime Minister of Dean Barrow is noted as saying, “There can be no discrimination in terms of employment opportunities, in terms of access to health care, in terms of the services that the society offers. This administration certainly is not concerned about what happens in the bedrooms of the employees of the government, there are constitutional protections for public officers, properly appointed, and even with respect to open vote workers there can never be any kind of interference, any kind of surveillance, any kind of concern about the sexual orientation of the employees of government"

While the Leader of the Opposition, Francis Fonseca said prior on 29th May, 2013, “I am the leader of a political party that embraces all Belizeans. I have Belizeans in my party who are homosexuals and we embrace all Belizeans........that will make for a stronger and vibrant party that is reflective of Belize and our society..."

 Later on Independence day, the Prime Minister Of Belize added in his Independence Day Speech in 2013, the following, "...Government will therefore fully respect the right of the churches to propagate their understanding of the morality, or immorality, of homosexuality. But what Government cannot do is to shirk its duty to ensure that all citizens, without exception, enjoy the full protection of the law."

What this indicated to us, was a change in the political tone in Belize, but the substance remains a challenge. What this indicated was that The United Belize Advocacy Movement work in litigation, community mobilisation and political engagement  had challenged the system to reflect on protection-gaps that are a concern specifically for L.G.B.T Citizenry, but as a whole as well. While we are far from advancing the work of societal acknowledgement and broader protection. The work we have done so far, has enabled us to refine our work better, not only in Belize, but in our response among CARICOM member states.Time will tell, how far we get in addressing violence and discrimination. At the moment, its one hell of a ride, as we struggle to refine our approach to deconstruct hundreds of years of oppression.

PM 2013 Independence Day Address


PM comments on the Gender Policy 2013 

Leader of the Opposition Speaking on Gender Policy and inclusion

Blacklisting of UniBAM

HFLE Blacklisting

Elpis Centre 

Speakers for the WCF meeting in Port of Spain 

AIDS Free World Comments on right wing in Jamaica

Sarah Flood Beaubrun CARIFAM  

Way Out Ministries